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Hearing
the Gospel with Asian American Ears
by Stanley K. Inouye
In
spite of the fact that God’s Spirit is working in unprecedented
and amazing ways among certain segments of the Asian American
community, well over 90 percent are still without Christ.Among
Japanese Americans, 97 percent are not yet Christian. There
is an urgent need to develop more effective ways of relating
the Gospel to this rapidly growing and increasingly influential
minority population here in the United States.
To
do so, we need to focus on the people hearing the Gospel rather
than on those sharing it. We need to be “hearer-oriented.”
We need to know their hopes and dreams, needs and dysfunctions,
values and relational patterns, spiritual perspectives and
ways of decision making, if we are going to know how to shape
the Gospel message and our approach so it is most deeply relevant,
profoundly convicting, and joyously good news to those God
has burdened us to reach for Jesus Christ.
However,
the Asian American population is incredibly diverse and ever-changing.
To present a concrete example of how more effective means
of evangelism can be developed for all Asian Americans, and,
for that matter, any other specific ethnic group, this unit
will focus on how we might go about developing more effective
evangelistic approaches for one segment of the Asian American
population, namely Japanese Americans.
Bicultural
Nature of Japanese Americans
One important characteristic that we must understand about
Japanese Americans is that they are bicultural. They are on
a cultural journey from being culturally Japanese to being
culturally American. To understand them, we must know where
they are on that cultural journey and how each culture making
up their bicultural natures influences them, both their Japanese-ness
and their American-ness.
An
estimation of relative acculturation rates
People of Japanese ancestry here in America are early in their
journey from total Japanese-ness to total American-ness, the
journey taking many generations to complete. In support of
this view are one scholar’s estimates of relative acculturation
rates. For northern Europeans like the Germans, Swedes, British
and French, middle-America’s closest cultural cousins,
it would take three to five generations for immigrant families
from these cultures to completely acculturate to what has
now become American culture. For southern Europeans like the
Greeks, Italians, Basques and Spanish, America’s second
cousins, it would take five to seven generations. And, for
those from Asian cultures like Japan, China and Korea, cultural
polar opposites to Western cultures, it would take in excess
of seven to nine generations for complete cultural melt down
to occur.1
At
the same time, all these cultural groups lose the language
of their source culture between the third and fifth generation.
Apparently, long after many outward signs like food, dress,
patterns of behavior and language distinguishing them as coming
from a certain culture disappear, a considerable part of what
makes them members of that cultural group continues to exist.
This is because what makes a person cultural is not just a
matter of language, food and dress, but, at deeper levels,
a matter of values, of “culturally derived notions of
right and wrong, good and bad, beautiful and ugly, true and
false, positive and negative and so on,”2 notions of
how to think, behave and relate, notions more caught than
taught during early childhood development, largely before
the acquisition of any language at all. These notions are
what persist after generations since immigration to this country.
Many
factors, such as intercultural marriage, can significantly
accelerate acculturation and shorten his estimates. However,
the purpose for making these projections was to simply stress
the very slow nature of acculturation at this deep level referred
to as “culturally derived notions” or by others
as basic cultural assumptions or absolute values.
All
this is to say that the Japanese in America are influenced
far more by their Japanese background than they themselves
might think. Even though each successive generation of Japanese
Americans is significantly further along on the journey from
total Japanese-ness to total American-ness, whether Issei,
Nisei, Sansei or Yonsei (first, second, third or fourth generation),
they are all still predominantly Japanese at the “notions”
level of culture.
A
comparative study of Japanese and American childrearing practices
A key study that gives us profound insight into how these
culturally derived notions become part of our “intuitive”
selves and get passed on from generation to generation was
one in which the differences between Japanese and American
childrearing practices were compared.3
In
this study, it was found that American mothers tended to designate
certain times for certain activities. When it was play time,
the infant was to learn it was time to play. Likewise, when
it was time to eat, sleep, or time for Mommy to have her time,
baby was to learn what was appropriate for baby to do at that
particular time. This is why, I believe, many first-time American
mommies find themselves in agony, not going into the nursery,
as their babies continue to cry. They believe it best for
their child to learn it is time to sleep, and that baby can
survive on his or her own. If, however, baby is in dire need,
baby must experiment with different cries until it finds out
what will convince mommy or daddy that death is eminent unless
they come quickly. As a consequence, baby learns early the
art of verbal negotiation.
Japanese
mothers, on the other hand, are almost in constant physical
contact with their babies. It is not unusual for the mother
not only to lie down with the baby until it is asleep, but
actually sleep with the infant all night. The father will
often sleep with the second youngest. The parenting objective
seems to be that the baby cry as little as possible, that
they need not verbally express their needs and desires in
order for those needs and desires to be met. This is accomplished
by the parents trying to anticipate the baby’s needs
and desires and meet them before the baby feels it necessary
to express them.
This
study helps us readily understand why American babies and
Japanese babies turn out to be such culturally different adults.
This study also gives us valuable insight into why the Japanese,
and even third and forth generation Japanese Americans, turn
out to be what we might call“omoiyari” people.
Japanese
Americans as Omoiyari People
“Omoiyari” is a key concept Christians must grasp
if we are ever going to be effective relating the Gospel to
people of Japanese cultural backgrounds. The Japanese word,
omoiyari, roughly translated means empathy. In Japanese Patterns
of Behavior, Takie Sugiyama Lebra writes,
For the Japanese, empathy (omoiyari) ranks high among the
virtues considered indispensable for one to be really human,
morally mature, and deserving of respect. I am even tempted
to call Japanese culture an omoiyari culture. . . .Omoiyari
refers to the ability and willingness to feel what others
are feeling, to vicariously experience the pleasure or pain
that they are undergoing, and to help them satisfy their wishes.4
This defining characteristic reflects the natural outcome
we would expect from the Japanese childrearing practices revealed
in the study described above.
Behavioral
Patterns of Omoiyari People
There are four behavioral patterns characteristic of omoiyari
people.5
One,
they seek to maintain consensus or agreement by deferring
to the fulfillment of each other’s needs and desires.
Consider the follow example: When a group of Japanese Americans
tries to decide where to go for a bite to eat, they take an
informal poll. They each tend to make their suggestions in
order of personal preference but end by saying something like,
“But it really doesn’t matter to me. Wherever is
fine.” When they have probed each other for some sense
of consensus, someone poses the appar-ent group leaning. With
the favorable nodding of heads, it is decided. But chances
are, the final selection is seldom someone’s first choice,
protecting anyone from feeling guilty for not deferring enough
to everyone else. Obviously, this is in direct contrast to
when white, majority Americans seek to make the same decision.
They also tend to poll one another, but, once done, they vote
and major-ity rules. Those getting their way feel free to
be glad if not victorious. And, those who don’t accept
the decision with the attitude, “Oh well, you win some
and lose some.” The “winners” are not made
to feel guilty for being insensitive to the desires of others
as is the case with Japanese Americans.
Two,
they seek to optimize each other’s comfort by seeking
to provide pleasure or prevent displeasure by anticipating
the other’s needs and desires and taking initiative to
meet those needs and fulfill those desires without the other
person having to overtly express them in some obvious manner.
For
instance, it has been observed that when Japanese Americans
are dining in a group, others are responsible to notice when
someone no longer has something to eat and offer it to them.
In response, that person must refuse the offer several times
before accepting. If the quantity of what is being offered
is limited, they should also offer it to others before accepting
it, especially to the person offering it. There is a good
chance the person making the offer, if not the host, wants
most what is being offered. The more adamant the offer, the
more insistent the response should be that they eat it. Consistently,
a bit of every dish should remain at meal’s end so no
one feels they deprived anyone else. This is also so the host,
if there is one, isn’t made to feel there wasn’t
enough to satisfy everybody, embarrassing the host. Whoever
finishes a dish is considered self-centered or unsophisticated,
the opposite of an omoiyari (empathetic) person. This is not
only true for formal dining, but also every day at informal
meals.
In
contrast, at the home of a white American raised in the farmlands
of northern Ohio, it can be a free for all. Once grace is
said, everyone helps themselves. Within a short time, the
food is gone. The speed in which the food is devoured and
the absence of food afterwards are the tell-tale signs that
the food is good. And when that happens, “Mom” is
happy and everyone around the table is expected to “kiss
the cook” in appreciation. Likewise, mealtime guests
are invited to “help themselves,” “dig right
in,” and “not stand on ceremony.” This is the
“neighborly” thing to do because they are being
treated just like family.
Another
variation involves preserving another’s pleasure or preventing
displeasure by not revealing one’s own discomfort or
suffering. It is the other person’s responsibility
to realize when someone is uncomfortable or suffering. When
asked if they are in such a state, the sufferer is to nobly
reply that they are “fine.” It is only after repeated
probing that they may admit to any discomfort or suffering.
Their pain is to be communicated in such a way that it is
read from behind their forbearance. If their discomfort is
too obvious, they will be viewed as self-centered, immature,
inconsiderate of others. If they are too subtle, their need
for help or consideration will go unheeded and they will be
left to suffer alone. This non-verbal means of asking without
asking is referred to as amaeru.
This
dynamic can be clearly seen in the following personal example
of a Sansei: “As a child, when I was sick, I remember
those times when my Japanese American mother and Japanese
grandmother would hover over me day and night, seeking to
meet my every need and desire, alleviating my pain and suffering
without one request from me. My duty was to express my appreciation
by denying my subtle but obvious agony, telling them they
shouldn’t be going to so much trouble because ‘I
am just fine.’ On the other hand, my wife, a Caucasian
from the mid-west, was treated quite differently when she
got sick as a child. Middle-America’s brand of empathy
is guarding one another’s individual freedom by leaving
each other alone unless explicitly asked for help. Self-determination
is such a high value in this part of the United States. But,
once asked, aid and comfort are given immediately and generously.
And
so, when the sick, little Japanese child comes out in me as
an ill adult and is met by the nurturing Middle American mother
in my wife, our cultures collide. I find myself suffering
alone in the bedroom, feeling abandoned and unloved, wondering
when my heartless wife is going to come in, see to my dire
needs, and allow me to be the brave little samurai who says
he is “just fine, and doesn't need a thing.” But
she doesn’t come in. She is anxiously just outside my
door, waiting for permission to invade my space with loving
help and support, but my voice is not heard. Sometimes she
finds some excuse to come into the bedroom and asks if I need
anything, but when she hears her little samurai say “No,
I’m fine,” she takes what I say at face value and
leaves. There I am, very much loved but feeling totally unloved
and abandoned once again.”
The
term mentioned earlier, amaeru, meaning “asking
without asking,” is very important here. When his wife
asked him whether he was fine, and he answered he was, he
really wasn’t fine and he really didn’t think that’s
what he was communicating to her. In his mind, the inflection
of his voice and his non-verbal behavior, was telling her
in no uncertain terms that he was not fine, that he needed
and wanted help. Japanese culture values the implicit and
non-verbal, while American culture values the explicit and
verbal. American culture is a “tell it like it is”
culture. His wife often tells him, “Well, why didn’t
you just say so,” or “All you had to do is ask.”
But the Japanese inside of this American Sansei, that’s
much easier said than done.
Another
example of how amaeru works is when this same Sansei parent
asks his daughter whether she would like some ice cream. Her
response is always supposed to be something like “No,
that’s all right. Thanks just the same.” When asked
again several times, her response should continue to be, “No
thank you. Please don’t go to any trouble.” While
her words may say one thing, everything else, the look in
her eye, the tilt of her head, the inflection of her voice,
tells you, “Yes, I want ice cream!” That’s
amaeru.
Three,
they can control each other very effectively in non-verbal
ways. One of the ways Japanese Americans can constrain
or punish one another is by refusing to respond to another’s
expression of amae. When one person non-verbally expresses
need for comfort or assistance, and the other person wants
to punish or constrain the person, the other simply refuses
omoiyari or empathy and does nothing. For example, some Christians
involved in campus ministry expressed distraught puzzlement
over the suicide of a Japanese American student who was both
a Christian and leader in their predominantly Caucasian group
on campus. Before he ended his own life, this student seemed
so “together.” They commented on how sensitive he
was to the needs of others. He was always caring for others
so much, they assumed he didn’t have need of much care.
Apparently, a lot of miscommunication was going on in this
cross-cultural situation. How does a person from an empathetic
culture ask for empathy? By giving empathy. Evidently, this
Japanese American student was asking for understanding and
help in the most emphatic way he knew how, by being very sympathetic
to the needs of others. When others didn’t respond in
like measure, he might have felt not only uncared for, unloved,
but that he was actually being punished as well. This is what
is called sentimental vulnerability.6 The Japanese
are extremely vulnerable in this way. Americans generally
are not. A Japanese American may attempt to control or punish
a Caucasian American by withholding empathy or omoiyari and
the Caucasian won’t even miss it.
Four,
they believe that non-verbal communication is the most powerful
form of communication. The following expresses this dynamic
of Japanese culture:
.
. .(the Japanese attach priority ) to implicit, non-verbal
intuitive communication over explicit, verbal, rational exchange
of information. . .Omoiyari makes explicit, verbal communication
redundant and superfluous. . . The Japanese find esthetic
refinement and sophistication in a person who sends non-verbal,
indirect, implicit, subtle messages. . . The message of a
conversation is not what is said, but what is not said; silence
is communication. . . Among the reasons for the priority of
non-verbal communication is that an intuitive, roundabout
form of communication is based upon empathy as necessary to
maintain the Japanese way of life; a verbal, explicit form
may disrupt it.7
In
the following passage, two well known Japanese scholars are
quoted, Inazo Nitobe being a noted Christian. Think about
how it might relate to effective evangelism among Japanese
Americans.
In
the words of Inazo Nitobe, “To give in so many articulate
words one’s innermost thoughts and feelings is taken
among us as an unmistakable sign that they are neither profound
nor very sincere.” This thought is put more bluntly still
by Hidetoshi Kato when he says, “In Japan speech is not
silver or copper or brass—but scrap.” Intuitive
communication, through means other than words, is praised
and revered. Articulate persons, especially talkative ones,
are seen as foolish or even dangerous. Eloquence can even
disqualify one for positions of authority and influence.8
How
are these people going to be reached with the Gospel when
so much of the traditional approaches to doing evangelism
are contrary to what is culturally natural to them? The evangelistic
method, media, as well as the message must be in forms appropriate
to the audience to be maximally effective in relating the
Good News to them. Western approaches to evangelism have fit
dominant American culture quite well, but go against the grain
of people of Japanese ancestry. We must begin with who we
are called to reach and serve for Jesus Christ and shape ministry
accordingly. What follows is a practical tool to help us do
just that.
Major
Traits of Omoiyari People
While one Asian culture will vary from another, how they differ
will be, not so much in direction as to the extent of their
orientation. For example, while Chinese and Koreans may be
more verbal than Japanese, in comparison to the broad spectrum
of world cultures, far eastern cultures are relatively more
non-verbal than western cultures. So then, what are the major
characteristics of Japanese and other Asian Americans that
should determine the shape of effective evangelism and ministry
among them? They are concrete, group-oriented, non-confrontational,
non-verbal and oriented toward belonging.
What
does this mean? They are group-oriented in that the will and
welfare of the group is more important to them than their
own will and welfare, especially when it comes to family.
Being group-oriented, they are very relational. They are highly
concerned about what other people think and feel about them
and the networks to which they belong. Their own needs are
met by meeting the needs of others through reciprocity. They
tend to be consensual, the goal of their decision making being
that all agree and relational harmony is maintained. They
are non-confrontational, tending to avoid bringing up anything
between themselves that will jeopardize or cause disruption
to valued relationships. They focus only on those things that
bond and build relationships, or, at least, maintain peaceful
coexistence. They are non-verbal, believing talk to be cheap.
They measure what is said by the integrity of the person saying
it. They follow a leader because of who that person is rather
than what that person says. They are concrete and situational
in their orientation. What maintains or positively serves
relationships is what dictates how they respond to a given
concrete situation. They tend to be pragmatic and practical
rather than abstract and philosophical.
Implications
upon Major Components of Evangelism
Now let’s explore the implications of these major traits
of omoiyari people upon each of the component parts of evangelism,
namely the method, message, messenger, media and milieu, to
maximize effectiveness to Japanese Americans.
Method
- approach
Evangelistic approaches most effective among these people
are more relational than rational. They focus more on being
and belonging than on believing. Although the content of the
evangelistic message is important, the character of the Christian
sharing it is more pivotal. In this cultural context, the
credibility of the content is evaluated almost completely
on the character of the communicator. The non-Christian’s
receptivity to the Gospel is so dependent on the integrity
of the witnessing Christian, the depth and quality of the
relationship between them is crucial. They need to be close
enough to enable the non-Christian to judge the quality of
the Christian’s life. Their relationship must be sufficiently
deep or be built to that level for conversion to become a
serious option for the non-Christian. And, if the relationship
must be built, its going to take some time. As long as the
relational approach is not used to rationalize failure to
share the Gospel or invite others to accept Christ, and is
applied with intentionality and focused prayer, then the omoiyari
non-Christian will be reached for Christ at the earliest and
most appropriate open moment, no matter how long it takes.
Corporate
witness is also a key element of effective evangelism to omoiyari
people. Because they are so group-oriented to begin with,
non-Christians even slightly open to becoming Christians will
almost immediately begin to assess the consequences of such
a decision upon their relationships to family, friends and
the groups to which they belong. Such close relationships
with other non-Christians offer both the greatest obstacles
as well as the greatest opportunities to evangelism.
Effective
evangelism to such extremely group-oriented people must either
overpower the groups to which they belong or embrace them.
Among animistic cultures, overt spiritual warfare between
the forces of good and evil, known as “power encounters”
are often waged, battling over the souls of non-Christians.
Similarly, power encounters necessary to win omoiyari people
might well be group at war with group, human family pitted
against spiritual family.
Power
encounters, however, will hopefully be avoided by seeing the
close relational ties of non-Christians as opportunities instead
of obstacles, avenues for the spread of the Gospel. Such was
the case in the early church as recorded in Acts. Repeatedly,
there were instances of individuals becoming Christians together
with their households. Such biblical accounts offer two precedences
helpful for reaching group-oriented people; one, targeting
groups instead of individuals, and two, reaching opinion leaders,
those most influential within groups, in order to reach the
groups themselves.
In
order to become Christians, omoiyari people need to be able
to weigh the differences between their current non-Christian
family and group relationships with those of Christian families
and groups. For this to occur, they must be allowed a glimpse
into Christian family, church and group life. Just as we explored
earlier how important it is for Christians to develop personal
relationships with omoiyari people so they can become Christians,
it is also important for Christian families and groups to
embrace non-Christian families and groups so, together, they
can grasp how much closer they can become through Christ’s
Spirit. The Gospel will then be viewed as a way of making
their family and other relation- ships stronger rather than
something that will split them apart.
To
be able to exclaim to each other, “My, how they love
one another,” members of non-Christian groups need to
be able to view Christian family and group relationships in
contexts that do not threaten their own group solidarity.
The encounter should not be in “we/they” situations
where group boundaries are accentuated. One example is being
on opposing athletic teams, one entirely Christian, the other
non-Christian. Instead group distinctions should be diminished
by providing or participating in informal, non-threatening
situations conducive to interpersonal interaction, where Christians
and non-Christians can freely intermingle, like Christians
and non-Christians being on the same athletic team. As individual
members of the groups mingle together and develop relationships,
the groups have opportunity to merge, enabling non-Christians,
both as individuals and as a group, to consider becoming Christian.
Reaching out to groups in this way allows the consensual decision-making
process so indicative of group-oriented cultures to function
in favor of conversion rather than against it. Such a process
would allow them to come to a gradual consensus to become
Christian.
It
is important for Christians and non-Christians, both as individuals
and as groups, to relate in “side-by-side” situations
where they are working, playing and struggling with life together
rather than in “face-to-face” confrontations where
they are comparing abstract beliefs and seeking to change
each other’s minds. Omoiyari people are empathetic people.
As Christians live their lives as salt and light along with
such people and share naturally and consistently what life
with Christ is like along the way, non-Christians will read
the message of their lives and respond to Christ. Here in
the United States, the way most of us have been taught to
do evangelism is to communicate the truth of the Gospel (the
abstract plan of salvation), challenge the individual to make
a conversion decision, and then once the decision is made,
to incorporate that individual into the church. However, for
those who are culturally so very relationship- and group-oriented,
the process has to be reversed.
We
need to incorporate these people into relationships within
the church first, with Christians and Christ Himself, and
then focus our attention on conversion. This reversal in which
relational incorporation is sought before conversion, should
not be seen as an attempt to secure church membership before
a person becomes a professing Christian. What is being encouraged,
however, is the need to see conversion for omoiyari people
as a relational process. We need to enable the non-Christian
to get to know Christ better and better, little by little,
becoming more and more committed to Him as they come to appreciate,
admire and trust Him in small relational increments, not demanding
that the non-Christian be on a fast track to commitment encompassing
primarily a pat set of beliefs and an abstract apologetic
for faith.
This
relational process to evangelism is, after all, consistent
with the way Jesus himself related with those around him in
the Bible. He invited people to discover who he was and is.
Jesus asked Peter, “Who do you say I am?” To which
Peter replied, “You are the Christ, the Son of the Living
God!” (Matthew 16:15-16 NIV) How did Peter arrive at
this discovery? By spending time with Jesus.
Message
- content, emphasis and particular interest, issue, need or
desire addressed.
It is as we invite non-Christians to live life side-by-side
with us and are invited in return to live life with them,
as individuals, groups and families, that we communicate much
of the content that will motivate them most to consider becoming
Christians themselves. Much of our evangelistic message is
non-verbal and non-confrontational, communicated by our attitudes
and actions in everyday, concrete relational situations.
This
kind of quiet witness, however, is only effective if our non-Christian
friends are aware all along that we are Christians. This is
accomplished by consistently and naturally sharing with them
our experiences with our Lord along the way, as Christ helps
us deal with both the mundane and the monumental challenges
of our lives. We give reason for the hope that is within us
in small bits. If God answers a prayer, we tell them. If a
particular verse from the Bible rattles our cage, affirming
or convicting us, we share it. If we pray for them, we mention
it. But, we don’t make a big deal of any of it. We share
the stories of our spiritual journey just like the trip we
took on vacation. And, from time to time, incidentally or
when they are in personal crisis, we invite them to ask us
how they too can know Jesus Christ.
When
they do ask, we introduce them to a person, a person who lived
and lives now, not a plan of salvation or set of air-tight
philosophical arguments, but a person who came to save relationships
as much as individual people, to reconcile us to his heavenly
Father, to one another, and the whole of his creation. Just
as we share his life as revealed in the Bible, we share his
life as it is revealed in our lives, especially our families.
Repeatedly Christians have been told by non-Christians, “If
my family won’t be in heaven, I don’t want to go
there.” It is my belief Jesus must be presented and seen
as able to save and bond families before widespread openness
to the Gospel will occur among omoiyari people.
Finally,
we don’t push too soon for a traditional, individual
conversion decision but rather guide them toward developing
a closer relationship with God through Christ while helping
them influence others they love to do the same. As a result,
they do commit their lives to Christ, but not in a form that
will alienate them from others close to them.
Many
early Japanese immigrants to the United States came to Christ
through the message of Christian lives lived rather than Christian
words spoken. It is not that they did not have a Biblically-based
faith. It is just that their cognitive beliefs came later.
They became Christians first and studied the Bible second.
They were so impressed by the lives of Christians, and their
actions toward them, that they wanted to be like them and
belong to their group. “If they are Christians, we want
to be Christians. What do we have to believe?” Japanese
tend to believe because they belong rather than belong because
they believe.
Messenger
- who or what group
Omoiyari people are so relationally oriented that it is difficult
for them to separate the message from the messenger, if at
all. To them, the messenger is the message. They believe those
whom they trust. “So-and-so says it, so I believe it.
It must be true.” They are extremely hesitant to question
or disbelieve the views of those they admire and follow for
fear of damaging their relationships with them. The group
they belong to, assumed permanent and valued over personal
will and welfare, is also thought undermined by the seeming
disloyalty of questioning the beliefs of others in the group.
It is very difficult for them to perceive truth as something
abstract and absolute, separate from relationships. To them,
what is true unites. What is true serves relationships.
It
has been stressed throughout our discussion that the Christian’s
power to influence an omoiyari person toward faith in God
is directly proportional to the degree to which the Christian’s
life reflects the truth of the Gospel. Essentially, we are
Christ to these people who see message and messenger as synonymous.
We are the only Christ they know up that point. However, since
our ability to reflect Christ will always be limited no matter
how close our relationship with Him, our primary responsibility
is to introduce the non-Christian to Jesus Christ himself,
who is “the way, the truth and the life,” the perfect
match between message and messenger.
The
incarnate Christ is God’s ideal way of communicating
all he desires to omoiyari people. By becoming familiar with
Jesus’ life, death and resurrection as recorded in the
Bible, they themselves can come to empathize with the anguish
our Lord suffers as he yearns to embrace them with his love.
As Japanese theologian Kazoh Kitamori envisions it, our Lord’s
love is so great that the cross of Christ is but a window,
a passing glance, into the pain our God has suffered and endured
from the fall of humankind until now in order to bring us
back to himself.9 With such a bent for omoiyari (empathy),
the non-Christian Japanese will join the centurion “who
stood there in front of Jesus, heard his cry and saw how he
died” and be moved to exclaim, “Surely this man
was (and is) the Son of God!” (Mark 15:38 NIV)
It
is interesting to note that after the incarnate Christ died,
rose and ascended, he sent his very own Spirit to invade the
lives of believers, not so they could be a bunch of separate
little Christ’s running around, but to become parts of
one body, the body of Christ. In this way, they, together
as a group, could give witness to God’s love and forgiveness.
Also, the heavenly Father sends his only Son to do what is
painfully necessary to adopt us into his family. God provides
a family paradigm for family-centered people. God demonstrates
he is an omoiyari God who knows how to communicate most convincingly
to family- and group-centered, omoiyari people. And, he wants
us to do likewise, communicate his love as groups and families
to non-Christian groups and families.
Western
evangelism has largely been an individual matter, individuals
witnessing to other individuals. Even at large evangelistic
gatherings, the evangelist is primarily one individual appealing
to isolated individuals in the audience to make isolated individual
decisions for Jesus Christ. Among omoiyari people, we must
learn how to be Christian groups appealing to non-Christian
groups, families appealing to families, to become Christians
as families and groups. We need to see the Christian group
and family as messenger and evangelist.
Media
- forms
If omoiyari people tend to see the message and messenger as
synonymous, then the messenger is also the most effective
media for the message. This is what Christ was saying when
he said, “I am the way, the truth and the life.”
Essentially, he was saying that he is message, messenger and
media all wrapped into one. “What you see is what you
get.” So, also, the Christian individual, family, group
and church are the most effective evangelistic media for omoiyari
people.
Non-Christians
need people and groups to concretely model for them the difference
Christ can make in areas of life they value most, namely family
and group life. Therefore, the Christian family, group, and
church must be visible to the non-Christian family and group
in ways that do not threaten their solidarity. Christians
need to be genuinely who they are together in Christ while
being with non-Christians, loving and serving them together.
While
life-on-life witness, whether person-to-person, group-to-group,
and family-to-family, is most effective for communicating
the Gospel to omoiyari people, sometimes it is not possible,
or needs to be supplemented with other forms of witness. Other
media such as audio and video tapes, and reading material
can be effectively used if the content is appropriate. These
evangelistic tools will only be as effective as they enable
non-Christians to empathize with the lives of those Christians
focused upon in the piece. They need to give an inside look
into the lives of Christian individuals, families and groups
and document their life stories. Over a decade ago, Iwa, conducted
a research project among Japanese American churches in Los
Angeles and Orange Counties and found that those active in
these congregations overwhelmingly preferred biographies over
any other form of reading material.10 Why is this so? I believe
it is because they prefer to identify and empathize with real
life people. Drama, too, can be powerfully used for the same
reason. What such forms of material enable non-Christians
to do is have close encounters with the lives of Christians
without any risk to their present relationships. They can
be confronted with their own need for Christ and be invited
to ask him into their lives as Savior and Lord without the
immediate threat of estrangement from others significant to
them. Video tapes can be an especially powerful tool because
of this. Through video tapes, Christians can openly share
their faith, “face-to-face,” with non-Christians,
and non-Christians can freely accept or reject the invitation
to receive Christ without a threat of offending or being rejected
by anyone. Also, such evangelistic tools can be shared by
new Christians or open non-Christians seeking to influence
their families or groups to consider becoming Christian. These
tools provide an effective way of confronting people with
the Gospel in a non-confrontational manner.
An
apparent contradiction to much of what has been said so far
is the fact that God will sometimes use a Christian stranger
to finally bring an omoiyari person to Christ. Similarly,
seemingly impersonal means such as Christian radio and television
programs, and public evangelistic events may be what enables
an omoiyari person to make a Christian commitment. The probable
reason for these occurrences is there is no significant relationship,
with either Christian or non-Christian, that is directly threatened
by making such a faith commitment. Prolonged prior exposure
to Christians and Christian relationships, together with the
work of the Holy Spirit, probably preceded their act of commitment.
The anonymity of the crowd or the inconsequential nature of
their relationship to the Christian stranger is what made
it easier for them to take the major step to accept Christ
as Savior and Lord.
Milieu
- situations and relationships
By this time much has already been said or implied as to the
situations and relationships most appropriate for effective
evangelism to take place among omoiyari people. The most effective
witness will occur in settings with Christian individuals,
families and groups where the quality of their lives and relationships
can be observed and, to some extent, experienced by non-Christians.
Initial exposure should be in life-on-life personal, group
and family situations common to the everyday experience of
both Christians and non-Christians, whether work, school,
play or community. As non-Christians and Christians develop
relationships in these neutral and shared settings, Christians
can then reach out and invite non-Christians to participate
with them in informal and more personal activities like going
on a picnic, seeing a movie together, or coming over for a
barbecue. Thought should be given as to whether several non-Christians
from the same group or network should be invited so they don’t
feel alone or outnumbered. Omoiyari people often decide whether
they will go to a particular event based on whether they know
anyone who will be there and how they feel about them. The
assurance others they know and like are likely to attend has
a lot to do with whether or not they will show up at an event
new and unfamiliar to them.
Gradually,
the doors will open to invite non-Christians to participate
beyond such informal, non-threatening activities to events
more specifically Christian in nature like fellowship groups,
Bible study meetings or church retreats. Finally, non-Christians
can be invited to more formal Christian activities at church
like Sunday School classes, worship services, or evangelistic
events.
The
problem has often been that the last place we should invite
omoiyari people is the first place we tend to invite them.
And, we tend to invite them alone. No wonder many, who would
otherwise be open to the Gospel, seem closed because we naively
intimidate them into declining our rightly motivated invitations
to the wrong activities and events.
And,
ironically, when all is said and done, the omoiyari non-Christian
may well make the decision to follow Christ when alone, with
a Christian stranger or at a mass event like an evangelistic
crusade. Anonymity is the common reason for each case. And,
consistently, they probably won’t go forward for an alter
call at a crusade for the same reason, to guarantee their
anonymity. They don’t want others to know prematurely
of their decision. They want to see what happens first, making
sure their commitment is genuine and validated by their experience.
Once sure their Christian experience is real, they will try
to carefully control how their decision is communicated to
others. They do this, not because they are ashamed of their
decision or Christ, but because they don’t want to estrange,
disappoint, or dishonor anyone, non-Christian, Christian or
even Christ himself. They make sure, as much as possible,
that the outcome will be positive, honoring to all and shaming
none. That’s their desire and objective, even though
it may not always be possible. They are not risk-takers, especially
when it comes to relationships. They always try their best
to strengthen and not destroy relationships, to bring honor
and not shame. Once bonded to the Lord, this bent in human
relationships is directed toward Christ, their relationship
with him is viewed as permanent and their principle motivation
is, not to embarrass, but to bring honor to his Name.
Conclusion
It is hoped that by focusing on how we might develop more
effective ways of reaching Japanese Americans for Jesus Christ
and seeing a spiritual breakthrough to the 97% who do not
yet know Him, a glimpse has also been gained into how we might
improve our effectiveness in evangelism to other Asian Americans
or whomever we are burdened to reach and serve for Jesus Christ.
It is more the process we just went through with Japanese
Americans as case study, rather than the outcome of the process,
meaning the specific improvements to evangelism we discussed,
that we believe contributes most to that end. While there
are many similarities between Asian American subgroups, there
are also many differences. Chinese Americans, Korean Americans
and so forth should each be looked at in similar fashion and
practical ministry implications worked out for each unique
group. In any case, hopefully what has been shared is of practical
help so that the Gospel will be shared in a way that will
be heard more clearly with Asian American ears and responded
to by Asian American hearts. . .and, for that matter, that
this developmental process would also contribute to the more
effective reaching of everybody else in the world who needs
Christ!
Bibliography
Dean C. Barnlund, Public and Private Self in Japan and
the United States (Tokyo, Japan, Simul Press, 1975)
William
Caudill and Helen Weinstein, Maternal Care and Infant Behavior
in Japan and America, Psychiatry 32:12-43. Reprinted in
Takie Sugiyama Lebra and William P. Lebra, Japanese Culture
and Behavior: Selected Readings (Honolulu, HI, University
Press of Hawaii, 1974)
Stanley
Inouye, Arlene Inouye and Sharon Uyeda Fong, Final Report
of the 1982 Survey of Japanese Churches in Los Angeles and
Orange Counties (Pasadena, CA, Iwa, 1982)
Kazoh
Kitamori, Theology of the Pain of God (Richmond, VA,
John Knox Press, 1965)
Takie
Sugiyama Lebra, Japanese Patterns of Behavior (Honolulu,
HI, University Press of Hawaii, 1976)
Larry
A. Samovar and Richard E. Porter, Intercultural Communication:
A Reader (Belmont, CA, Wadsworth, 1972)
Footnotes
1 These estimates come from Dr. Paul G. Hiebert, a professor
at the School of World Mission, Fuller Seminary
2 Larry A. Samovar and Richard E. Porter, Intercultural Communication:
A Reader (Belmont, CA, Wadsworth, 1972)
3 See William Caudill and Helen Weinstein, Maternal Care and
Infant Behavior in Japan and America, Psychiatry 32:12-43.
Reprinted in Takie Sugiyama Lebra and William P. Lebra, Japanese
Culture and Behavior: Selected Readings (Honolulu, HI, University
Press of Hawaii, 1974), 225-276.
4 Takie Sugiyama Lebra, Japanese Patterns of Behavior (Honolulu,
HI, University Press of Hawaii, 1976), 38
5 Ibid., 38-49
6 Ibid., 43-44
7 Ibid., 46-48
8 Dean C. Barnlund, Public and Private Self in Japan and the
United States (Tokyo, Japan, Simul Press, 1975), 89
9 Kazoh Kitamori, Theology of the Pain of God (Richmond, VA,
John Knox Press, 1965)
10 See Stanley Inouye, Arlene Inouye and Sharon Uyeda Fong,
Final Report of the 1982 Survey of Japanese Churches in Los
Angeles and Orange Counties (Pasadena, CA, Iwa, 1982)
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